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Omnibus Law: Kirchnerism marks the line of collision, avoids the past and bets on the global control of Peronism - Infobae
Source:
www.infobae.com
January 10, 2024
A question of principle about the limits of power is not discussed. An example: the nine coincidences with the law for Alberto Fernández. The UxP block exposes hardness, without room for differentiation. The official speech loaded with warnings to Congress collaborates.
By Eduardo Aulicino
First plenary session of commissions in Deputies to discuss the omnibus law. Strong crosses and open dispute
The start of the omnibus law in Deputies also staged the political debut of Peronism/Kirchnerism in an opposition role. And as always, movement matters more than words. The harsh interventions of its legislators sought to avoid the past, but the long history of its relationship with Congress during times of government undresses the discourse. It was not a debate about the limits to power as a matter of principles, but rather the first taste of the game for impose the path of confrontation with Javier Milei and keep the PJ as a whole on that line.
A single mirror exercise is worth it, so as not to go back two full decades since the 2001 crisis. Alberto Fernández had his law of coincidencesarticles -many, although less than the LLA project-, but the 88 in the Casa Rosada. There were before spent two weeks and it came into effect three daysCongress approved it in just dizzying. in progress “superpowers”the broad legislative delegation is repeated and nine equal points are noted on the areas reached by the declaration of “emergency”: economic, financial, fiscal, pensions, tariffs, energy, health, social and administrative.
Some of that contradiction between the near past and the discourse of the present was lost in the midst of chicanes in the plenary session of the Deputies' commissions, which yesterday, Tuesday, had its first delivery and will continue today. There was no shortage of cross-references on reiterated emergencies of all kinds, approvals of legislative delegation and abundance of decrees. Of course, background that would not simply justify the text of the current Executive.
Concerns about institutional balances even in times of crisis seem to cross platforms depending on the case. For the rest, the game of the current dispute, again with binary intention, appears in a strange picture. The main brushstrokes expose the ruling party as marked minority and in need of support to approve the text, the Government playing warnings and burdens on the legislators without distinctions, and an opposition map that exposes the closed rejection of Kirchnerism and the intention to achieve limits and changes to accompany by what was JxC , non-K Peronism and provincial spaces.
In fact, UxP representatives pointed out not only about Milei, but also about the uncertainty produced by the Government in general, and the government itself President, in relation to the definition of effective margins to negotiate modifications and even the fall of articles. From sectors of the PRO, the UCR and other spaces they also demand the clear designation of interlocutors to discuss topic by topic.
Javier Milei greets the cameras. Maintains pressure on Congress for the megabill
All that remains to be seen. It is, in any case, a mode of behavior of the Milei management that affects, burden of doubts, the negotiating gestures of members of the cabinet - also, in the level of secretaries - with provincial heads of all signs - from the PJ, the UCR, the PRO and local forces - and with social organizations and some members of the CGT. The counter marches are awarded to palace inmates. That's all? The latest contacts with governors, to modify aspects of the project linked to fishing activity or biofuels, do not seem to be the exclusive work of a couple of ministers. Nor, in the opposite sense, is the speech that denies the capacity for agreements in Congress or only admits the term “suggestions.”
The idea of “putting pressure” with general disqualifications about a sort of “legislative caste” -speech also aimed at the core voters- complicates the chances of possible support for significant sections of the megaproject in Congress. That is, annoys and angers members of the PRO, radicalism and the conglomerate of former members of JxC and misaligned Peronists. On the other hand, seems useful to the Kirchnerism game.
Two speculations, denied but fueled by some gestures, add suspicions and misgivings. One has been talking about the intention of going to a head-on clash with Congress - in the official message, “the ” politics-, with a warning of responsibility for the worsening of the crisis without a network if the project and also the DNU They are not endorsed. And the other refers to a kind of pact with the circle of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, with political and judicial scope. All of this, it has been said, has been denied. The issue, anyway, is how it works or what consequences Milei's way of operating has.
The truth, in principle, is that Kirchnerism reacts quickly to the post-election reality and does not need an external engine to move its chips, partly with an opportunistic sense and largely as the fruit of his own and enclosed imagination. He is concerned about traditional Peronism, aligned for years with his internal power, and thinks that a worsening of the crisis would fuel a kind of immediate reconciliation with a good part of society, despite the serious economic and social results of the recent government management. It is striking that few think of a peak of the crisis of representation that exploded with the upheaval of 2001, if the situation worsens.
In this logic, the first objective would be to occupy the place of only opposition reference. And at the same time, fuel a degree of dispute with the Government that does not leave air to the internal contenders in UxP. Of course, Kirchnerism is well aware of the resources available to the central power for negotiations with provincial leaders. And that would be what is coming if the Government manages to overcome the test of Congress, with concessions, and advances in other areas: Profits, budget items, discretionary funds .
On the official side, they seem to confront the conception of credit which would represent the result of the ballot - as a static and uniform data, without reading the difference with the support/core of the first round - and the need to act at speed a> in the face of the crisis, something difficult to think about without some type of minimum agreement for the megaproject in Congress. Some gesture was suggested in the plenary session of the Deputies' commissions. The game of hard and soft has limits and that, as always, depends on the President.
Source:
Ley Ómnibus: el kirchnerismo marca la línea de choque, evita el pasado y apuesta al control global del peronismo
No se discute una cuestión de principios sobre los límites del poder. Un ejemplo: las nueve coincidencias con la ley para Alberto Fernández. El bloque de UxP expone dureza, sin espacio para diferenciaciones. Colabora el discurso oficialista cargado de advertencias al Congreso
www.infobae.com
January 10, 2024
A question of principle about the limits of power is not discussed. An example: the nine coincidences with the law for Alberto Fernández. The UxP block exposes hardness, without room for differentiation. The official speech loaded with warnings to Congress collaborates.
By Eduardo Aulicino
First plenary session of commissions in Deputies to discuss the omnibus law. Strong crosses and open dispute
The start of the omnibus law in Deputies also staged the political debut of Peronism/Kirchnerism in an opposition role. And as always, movement matters more than words. The harsh interventions of its legislators sought to avoid the past, but the long history of its relationship with Congress during times of government undresses the discourse. It was not a debate about the limits to power as a matter of principles, but rather the first taste of the game for impose the path of confrontation with Javier Milei and keep the PJ as a whole on that line.
A single mirror exercise is worth it, so as not to go back two full decades since the 2001 crisis. Alberto Fernández had his law of coincidencesarticles -many, although less than the LLA project-, but the 88 in the Casa Rosada. There were before spent two weeks and it came into effect three daysCongress approved it in just dizzying. in progress “superpowers”the broad legislative delegation is repeated and nine equal points are noted on the areas reached by the declaration of “emergency”: economic, financial, fiscal, pensions, tariffs, energy, health, social and administrative.
Some of that contradiction between the near past and the discourse of the present was lost in the midst of chicanes in the plenary session of the Deputies' commissions, which yesterday, Tuesday, had its first delivery and will continue today. There was no shortage of cross-references on reiterated emergencies of all kinds, approvals of legislative delegation and abundance of decrees. Of course, background that would not simply justify the text of the current Executive.
Concerns about institutional balances even in times of crisis seem to cross platforms depending on the case. For the rest, the game of the current dispute, again with binary intention, appears in a strange picture. The main brushstrokes expose the ruling party as marked minority and in need of support to approve the text, the Government playing warnings and burdens on the legislators without distinctions, and an opposition map that exposes the closed rejection of Kirchnerism and the intention to achieve limits and changes to accompany by what was JxC , non-K Peronism and provincial spaces.
In fact, UxP representatives pointed out not only about Milei, but also about the uncertainty produced by the Government in general, and the government itself President, in relation to the definition of effective margins to negotiate modifications and even the fall of articles. From sectors of the PRO, the UCR and other spaces they also demand the clear designation of interlocutors to discuss topic by topic.
Javier Milei greets the cameras. Maintains pressure on Congress for the megabill
All that remains to be seen. It is, in any case, a mode of behavior of the Milei management that affects, burden of doubts, the negotiating gestures of members of the cabinet - also, in the level of secretaries - with provincial heads of all signs - from the PJ, the UCR, the PRO and local forces - and with social organizations and some members of the CGT. The counter marches are awarded to palace inmates. That's all? The latest contacts with governors, to modify aspects of the project linked to fishing activity or biofuels, do not seem to be the exclusive work of a couple of ministers. Nor, in the opposite sense, is the speech that denies the capacity for agreements in Congress or only admits the term “suggestions.”
The idea of “putting pressure” with general disqualifications about a sort of “legislative caste” -speech also aimed at the core voters- complicates the chances of possible support for significant sections of the megaproject in Congress. That is, annoys and angers members of the PRO, radicalism and the conglomerate of former members of JxC and misaligned Peronists. On the other hand, seems useful to the Kirchnerism game.
Two speculations, denied but fueled by some gestures, add suspicions and misgivings. One has been talking about the intention of going to a head-on clash with Congress - in the official message, “the ” politics-, with a warning of responsibility for the worsening of the crisis without a network if the project and also the DNU They are not endorsed. And the other refers to a kind of pact with the circle of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, with political and judicial scope. All of this, it has been said, has been denied. The issue, anyway, is how it works or what consequences Milei's way of operating has.
The truth, in principle, is that Kirchnerism reacts quickly to the post-election reality and does not need an external engine to move its chips, partly with an opportunistic sense and largely as the fruit of his own and enclosed imagination. He is concerned about traditional Peronism, aligned for years with his internal power, and thinks that a worsening of the crisis would fuel a kind of immediate reconciliation with a good part of society, despite the serious economic and social results of the recent government management. It is striking that few think of a peak of the crisis of representation that exploded with the upheaval of 2001, if the situation worsens.
In this logic, the first objective would be to occupy the place of only opposition reference. And at the same time, fuel a degree of dispute with the Government that does not leave air to the internal contenders in UxP. Of course, Kirchnerism is well aware of the resources available to the central power for negotiations with provincial leaders. And that would be what is coming if the Government manages to overcome the test of Congress, with concessions, and advances in other areas: Profits, budget items, discretionary funds .
On the official side, they seem to confront the conception of credit which would represent the result of the ballot - as a static and uniform data, without reading the difference with the support/core of the first round - and the need to act at speed a> in the face of the crisis, something difficult to think about without some type of minimum agreement for the megaproject in Congress. Some gesture was suggested in the plenary session of the Deputies' commissions. The game of hard and soft has limits and that, as always, depends on the President.
